To maximise the chance of uncovering long-term memory through infancy and into early childhood, the researchers devised a scenario involving many many prompts - what they described as "massive cueing". Kingo and his team first renewed contact with parents and their children who'd taken part in an earlier study when the children were age one. That earlier research involved the infant children interacting with one of two researchers for 45 minutes - either a Scandinavian-Caucasian man or a Scandinavian-African man.
Now two years on, 50 of these parents and children - the latter now aged three - were invited back to the exact same lab (hopefully cueing their earlier memories). Here the children were shown two simultaneous 45-second videos side by side. One video was a recording of the researcher - either the Scandinavian-Caucasian or Scandinavian-African man - interacting with them two years earlier; the other video showed the other researcher (the one they hadn't met) interacting with a different child in the exact same way. The children themselves were not visible in these videos.
The key test was whether the three-year-olds would show a preference for looking at one video rather than the other. Amazingly, the children spent significantly more time looking at the video that featured the researcher they'd never met. This is not due to the children having a bias for either the white or black man, because for some of these children the previously unseen researcher was Scandinavian-African and for others he was Scandinavian-Caucasian. All background features and behaviours in the videos were identical, so this result provides strong evidence that the children had some recognition of the researcher they'd met, and were drawn more strongly to look at the unfamiliar researcher.
Importantly, this same looking pattern was not observed among a control group of 36 three-year-olds who hadn't taken part in the original research two years' earlier. In fact, these children showed a bias toward looking at the black researcher. This is unsurprising because young children often show a bias towards looking at other-race faces. The fact that the three-year-olds in the experimental group didn't display this pattern shows that the influence of their memory overrode the usual other-race bias.
What is the nature of the children's memory of the researcher they met two years' previously? When asked which man they'd met before, the children's answers were no better than guessing. This suggests that their memory is "implicit" or not accessible to consciousness. But the researchers were not to so quick to form that conclusion. They said it remains an open question. One argument is that just because the children can't verbalise their recognition doesn't mean it's not consciously experienced by them in some way.
"The finding that three-year-olds have any kind of memory for a single event experienced more than two years earlier calls for increased attention to the question of why such seemingly resistant memory-traces are so difficult to verbally report later in life," the researchers concluded, "and to conditions that will allow the memory traces to become explicitly available."
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--Further reading--
Childhood amnesia kicks in around age 7
Post written by Christian Jarrett (@psych_writer) for the BPS Research Digest.

2 comments:
This has interesting implications for the "reunification" of absent parents with their children. Currently, family courts commonly order very gradually increasing time with parents who have been absent from their children's lives, on the premise that these parents are now total strangers to their children. (This is an argument I find nonsensical, as parents typically leave their children--even very young children--with a new babysitter or at a day care center with multiple, changing staff members, all day, day after day, after only a brief introductory period of a few hours with the parent present.)
The earliest, confirmed, memory I have is when I was 2 years and 3 months old.
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